Japanese Banks Lobby Heavily Against Takenaka Hard Landing Scenario
Meetings with the senior management of Japan's banks and Heizo Takenaka only steeled the banks' opposition to Takenaka's budding clean-up effort, and they are openly hostile to Takenaka. The last thing Takenaka needs at this point is to get bogged down in "giron" (debate) with those who oppose his hard landing stance. More talk will only delay the task force's recommendations. While achieving a consensus first has traditionally been how things got done in Japan, the fact is that there is no consensus among the banks, their supporters in the government and the reformists, and there never will be. This is because bank senior management and other heretofore protected constituencies are directly threatened by these reforms.
To make any progress Mr. Takenaka will need to build a coalition within the LDP and the MOF. But leaders of Japan's three largest banking federations told Takenaka's task force the same old story--that they had enough money to write off their non-performing loans and to protect against further losses. This however is based on their loose classification of bad credits. They thus oppose tightening the definitions of bad credits, as they know better than anyone else that that would lead to capital infusions and pressure on bank management to take responsibility.
Banks are Pushing for a Souped-Up RCC
The banks and their political backers in the government are pushing for a souped-up Resolution and Collection Corp. (RCC) role. The softer landing approach would preserve the banks' independence and allow them to avoid the issue of responsibility while getting the government to fork over more money–i.e., the ultimate moral hazard. This "moral hazard", and the traditional coddling of the banks by the MOF and the BOJ, are why the banking sector has been unable to produce internally or market-generated reforms. A third view different from the confrontation between the "hard landing" proponents led by Heizo Takenaka and the "soft landing" proponents in the banks and the LDP is the now-discredited view that more capital infusions for the banks will only encourage them to dally longer on NPLs. But this view seems to ignore the larger issues, such as the need for the banks to reduce their cross-holdings to a level below their core capital, and the fact that valuation losses on current stock holdings continue to erode the banks' capital in a negative Catch 22 spiral.
There are already signs of slippage in the "hard landing" scenario. To be well-executed, the Koizumi Administration would need to include a proposed law enabling the use of public money before the banking system is in a "crisis" mode. However, the government apparently will not include in its anti-deflation package due out soon such a proposed law. In addition, Takenaka has reportedly agreed with LDP leaders to expand the role of the RCC, and to expand the functions of the Development Bank of Japan to assist small firms. The Development Bank of Japan's funding sources are the Welfare Pension Fund and postal savings. Moreover, there are indications that the government will also continue to support debt-ridden Daiei, despite Mr. Takenaka's comments to the press that no company or bank should be considered "too big to fail". In the end, the political wrangling between the hard landing, soft landing and other landing proponents will most likely produce a watered down version of countermeasures that are most likely to disappoint the market after a dramatic build-up in expectatons/fears about a tougher banking sector clean-up.
Easing the Pain of a Banking Sector NPL Cleanup
Japanese companies listed on the Tokyo Stock Exchange hold some JPY216 trillion in interest-bearing debts, an amount equal to 85% of market capitalization and growing as market capitalization continues to shrink. In FY2001, the industries where debt exceeds 10 years of annual cash flows are textiles, nonferrous metals, steel, oil/coal, real estate (where the ratio is 24 years) and retail/construction (where the ratios are 18 years). If there is a hard landing in the banking sector, many companies in these sectors will experience a substantial credit crunch. Thus the government's plan to set up a financial safety net anchored by the Development Bank of Japan stems from the growing fear that an accelerated cleanup of nonperforming loans could choke off credit even to ailing companies with solid prospects of recovery. This time around, it is deemed absolutely necessary for main banks to weed out the firms crippled by excessive debt loads. At the same time, the government is considering the establishment of an emergency loan and investment facility that will allow the government-affiliated Development Bank of Japan to provide funds under certain conditions to large companies that are pursuing restructuring measures such as cutting excessive debt. The government will also introduce a risk insurance system that will allow private-sector banks to transfer a portion of the risk of loan losses to the Development Bank of Japan, shoring up their capital ratios without reducing their actual lending. Companies receiving funds will be required to produce clear-cut plans to lower debt to 10 times or less the level of annual cash flow after restructuring. Loans from the Development Bank of Japan will not be allowed to exceed 50% of total borrowing, with the remainder coming from private-sector banks. Moreover, if the Development Bank of Japan makes a direct loan to a company, the loan will have to be repaid within three years. In addition to the lending and investment program, the government will also set up a risk insurance program that will allow banks to transfer a portion of their lending risk to the Development Bank of Japan in return for premium payments. The Development Bank of Japan will underwrite only the portion of lending with relatively low credit risk, but the program will allow banks to effectively reduce their risk assets without actually cutting back on lending.