Japan: Game Over?
Robert Madsen of Stanford University put out a working paper for the MIT Japan Program titled "Japan:Game Over. It is Madsen's contention that all of the current debate about how Japan can dig itself out of its deflationary hole is largely irrelavant. In other words, the premise that corporate and banking reform can return Japan to the path of economic growth and avert a financial disaster is no longer valid. In other words, it is too late to prevent the unfolding of events that will led to a financial and economic crisis in Japan.
The Catch 22 of his argument is Japan's structural excess savings that has led to a chronic shortage of demand. Because the balance sheets of Japanese companies have deteriorated to the point that they can no longer afford to increase capital spending, and even if they did they would only exacerbate the existing over-supply problem, there are only three ways for Japan to maintain macroeconomic stability. (1) a massive increase in the current account, (2) fiscal deficits, and (3) corporate and financial reform. According to Madsen's analysis, even if implemented at this late stage in the problem, all three countermeasures would still lead to the same outcome--i.e., a financial collapse sometime after 2005.
Some claim that Japan's problems can be solved by devaluating the yen. But the magnitude of the adjustment required for the yen is daunting. To fill the current gap in aggregate demand, Japan's current account surplus would have to triple or quadruple, which in turn would require a huge depreciation in the exchange rate, to beyond JPY250 per dollar, a level that would have to be maintained for the next five or ten years. In reality, no country possesses the tools necessary to engineer so great a change in the value of a floating currency. For example, the BOJ's 25% expansion in the money supply in the first half of 2002 had no noticeable impact on the yen. Neither did massive intervention in the currency markets.
The second option, "muddling through with fiscal policy" to use deficit spending to absorb the excess capital and boost demand, has been tried by Japan already, simply because it was the most expedient in protecting vested interests and supporting the current LDP-based political system. Moreover, Japan's deep pool of savings that can essentially be used freely by the government has allowed the government to go deeper into debt without disturbing the financial markets. But there is no permanent immunity from market forces. The situation could become especially delicate around 2008-2010, when the government must simultaneously increase social security payments and roll over a very large block of outstanding JGBs.
The assumptions behind the structural reform argument are also flawed in that if capital expenditures fall as quickly as corporate savings, the sector's net financial position may not significantly change. Moreover, the household sector's capital surplus may not contract much. In other words, any revitalization of domestic demand may come too late to make the government's finances sustainable.
Thus the more probable scenario according to Mr. Madsen is that Japan will dither as long as possible and then pay a very high price indeed. A financial crisis would be very painful, would destabilize Japan's domestic politic, cause substantial volatility in the country's foreign and military policies and exert a strong deflationary influence over East Asia and global markets. In Japan, import-dependent industries would be decimated, bankruptcies would soar further, banks would fail and unemployment would surge.
